Sunday, April 17, 2016

Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh

Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Roland Jorz, also known as Roland Joyce, was a church cleric in the early decades of the fourteenth century and one time Archbishop of Armagh. He was like his kinsmen a member of the Dominican Order (O.P.). These kinsmen included his two brothers; Thomas Jorz (Prior Provincial of the Dominican Order in England, 1297-1304 and cardinal priest of St. Sabina 1305-1310) and Walter Jorz (Archbishop of Armagh, 1307-1311).[1] Another brother (so it is said) was Robert de Jorz (spelt as Jort), one time sheriff of Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire and in 1305 was a knight of the shire.[2] It was the influence of Thomas Jorz that secured Walter to Armagh and Walter in turn helped Rowland Jorz to succeed to Armagh after his resignation. For more on Walter Jorz see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/07/walter-jorz-archbishop-of-armagh.html

Roland’s first name is various spelt in contemporary documents. The papal registers usually wrote it as Roland, while the register of Archbishop Melton of York, for whom Roland acted as a suffragan bishop after he resigned Armagh, spelt his name as Rowland. In this article I have used the spelling of Roland Jorz.

Early history

The early history of Roland Jorz is unknown. He was born about 1280. It is said that he was born in London in a family of possible Welsh origins. But other people say that Roland Jorz was of the Jorz family of Burton Jorz in Nottinghamshire. There were in all six brothers of whom Thomas, Walter and Roland joined the Dominican Order.[3] For an account of Thomas Jorz see = https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Jorz,_Thomas_(DNB00)

The papal provision to the see of Armagh described him as a friar’s preacher. But it is as yet unknown what Roland Jorz was doing before 1311 when he was found attending the 15th General Council at Vienne.

Appointed and consecrated Archbishop

On 13th November 1311 Roland Jorz was appointed Archbishop of Armagh on the resignation of his brother, Archbishop Walter Jorz (Archbishop since 1307). The document in which he was appointed was dated at Vienne, France.[4] The 15th General Council at Vienne was held in the city in 1311-1312. A number of Irish bishops were invited to attend such as those of Cashel, Killaloe, Lismore, Emly and Cloyne. But these bishops didn’t go ‘through fear that something might happen to them’ like become the next Archbishop of Armagh.[5]

Roland Jorz was consecrated Archbishop by Berengarius, bishop of Tusculum. In January 1312 Roland Jorz received the pallium to mark his position as an archbishop.[6] In 1312 Roland Jorz issued a notarial instrument recording his renunciation of matters in the papal bull of provision that were prejudicial to royal rights in regard to temporalities.[7]

The business of Archbishop

In May 1312, while Roland Jorz was still overseas, he received a papal mandate along with other archbishops and bishops to defend the Knights Hospitallers who had lately acquired the property on the disbanded Knights Templar.[8] This was the result of the principal business of the Vienne council where papal support for the Templars was formerly withdrawn.  

Arrival in Ireland and the fight for the Cross

In 1313 Archbishop Roland Jorz arrived in Ireland via the port at Howth from where he proceeded to the priory of Grace Dei carrying his primatial cross before him. Archbishop Walter Jorz of Armagh and Primate of Ireland and Archbishop John Lech of Dublin had serious disputes over the carrying of the primate’s cross within the Archdiocese of Dublin. Because of these disputes Archbishop Roland carrying his cross by night so as not to be seen by too many people. But seen his was and his action of carrying the cross cited the rage of the clergy and the people.[9] By the time Archbishop Roland Jorz reached Grace Dei the crowd were in fever pitch and attacked the priory. Archbishop Roland Jorz was forced to flee in disgrace and confusion according to the chronicler.[10]  

The Archbishop of Armagh was forbidden to raise his primatial cross while in the archdiocese of Dublin due to the primatial dispute between the two archbishops. The controversy over the right of each archbishop to bear his cross erect while travelling in each other’s province began when Archbishop Henry de London of Dublin erected St. Patrick’s Church into a Metropolis Church.[11]

Armagh Cathedral

Recovery of Archiepiscopal property

In about 1314 Brother Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh, petitioned the King for the restoration of a messuage and a carucate of land in the manor of Dromiskin that was taken into the king’s hand. The property was leased by Nicholas Mac Maol Iosa, Archbishop of Armagh to Royse, and wife of John Logan, without the king’s permission and thus was seized by the escheator.[12] Archbishop Nicholas was described at his death as ‘the devoutest in his prayers, the greatest housekeeper and bountifullest churchman in Ireland’. James Ware said he was ‘an inveterate enemy to such Englishmen as were promoted to bishoprics’ in Ireland.[13] Clearly Archbishop Nicholas was not the man to bother getting a licence from the King of England to do his own business.

In 1307 a somewhat similar petition was made to the king. Robert Bagod petitioned the King that he had a lease for life of 100 solidates of rent in the vills of Ballycantal, Ballytrae and Ballymonone from Nicholas Mac Maol Iosa, Archbishop of Armagh. But immediately after the death of Nicholas the escheator of Ireland took the rent into the king’s hand on the grounds that the gift to Robert was made without the king’s licence. On 21st February 1307 King Edward wrote to John Wogan, justiciar of Ireland, to investigate the case and to deliver the rent to Robert if his claim be true.[14]

Debt problems of Archbishop Roland

The efforts by Archbishop Roland to recover archiepiscopal property in 1314 was partly due to his need for rents and property to generate money as on 7th August 1314 he received a letter from Rome asking him to pay the debts of the Archdiocese that were on account at the Roman curia.[15] In 1307 and again in 1311 the Italian financiers of Andrew Sapiti and his brother Ranuncius had seized the temporalities of the Archbishopric when vacant to recover past debts.[16] In a mandate given to the Bishops of Meath, Down and Clonmacnoise in September 1322 concerning abuses of Archbishop Roland it was alleged that the archbishop was excommunicated in about 1317 for failing to honour his commitment to pay these debts to the Roman curia. The same mandate alleged that Archbishop Roland, on his income being sequestrated for debt, violated the sequestration and continued to take the revenue.[17]

Archbishop Roland Jorz also had debts due to the Dublin Exchequer. In May 1313 he was asked to pay 27½ marks due from the Archbishopric estates when they were in the king’s hand after the resignation of Archbishop Walter Jorz. An order was sent from the king to the keeper of Ireland to enquire how many days the estates were in the king’s hand and what the proper debt was due.[18] An order for the restoration of the temporalities to Roland Jorz was issued on 20th December 1312.[19]

To help relieve his desperate financial position it was said that Archbishop Roland took a silver-gilt image made in honour of St. Michael, a timble, an incense-boat, a holy water vessel, an aspersory, and other silver chalices from the church treasury and pawned them with a merchant for much needed funds. For this he further pledge the vestments belonging to the archbishop's chapel. Elsewhere Archbishop Roland is said to have sold to a knight the roof timbers from the buildings of Ruschath manor (possibly Ratoath), and from a house in Termonfeckin manor, and of ruining the manor and town of Inisquin (possibly Dromiskin).[20]

Yet all this effort to acquire revenue to pay the Archdiocese debts at Rome didn’t work as intended. When Stephen Segrave succeeded Archbishop Roland in 1323 he was obliged to pay 1,000 florins to Rome along with 1,500 florins owed on the account Archbishops Walter and Roland. But Archbishop Stephen didn’t pay these debts and his successor didn’t pay the debts. When Richard Fitz Ralph became Archbishop of Armagh in 1347 he was obliged to pay the debts of his four predecessors.[21]

In 1322, after the resignation of Archbishop Roland, the temporalities of the archbishopric were taken into the king’s hand and remained so for about eighteen months. In that time the escheator collected £43 0s 9¼d from the seven manors along with £1 18s 7d from the mills, toll of ale, market tolls, and prise of fish in the seven manors. In the same time the escheator was able to increase the revenues by £9 17s 8½d which would suggest that Archbishop Roland had problems collecting his proper dues. The seven manors were Kylmoun (Kilmoon), Inoskeen (Inishkeen), Nerny (near Raskeagh, Co. Louth), Rustagh (unknown), Dromeskyn (Dromiskin), Termonfeckin and Nobber.[22]   

Bishopric of Clogher

In 1316 Matthaeus Mac Cathasaig, Bishop of Clogher, died and was buried in his cathedral. The chapter then elected Gelasius (Cornelius) Ó Bánáin as the new bishop. He was previously coarb of St. Tigernach of Cluain-cois.[23] Archbishop Roland appointed and consecrated Gelasius as bishop even though he was under sentence of excommunication.[24]

Papal correspondence

In September 1316 Archbishop Roland Jorz received a letter from the new Pope, John XXII, announcing his election on 7th August 1316 at Lyons.[25]

In September 1317 Archbishop Roland along with the archbishops of Cashel and Dublin were instructed by Pope John not to suffer the Friars Preachers in Ireland of the English nation to be molested touching their papal privileges as they would have great difficulty in recourse to Rome for relief.[26]

In May 1319 Archbishop Roland along with other archbishops and bishops received notice from Rome that giving conservators to the prior general and the prior of St. Mary of Mount Carmel to preserve their papal privileges.[27]

Royal correspondence

On 21st March 1315 King Edward II sent letters patent to Archbishop Roland announcing the presentation of John de Merton to the Stagbanan in the diocese of Armagh. He church was then in the king’s gifting due to the vacancy in the Archbishopric of Dublin.[28] By December 1317 John de Merton had resigned Stagbanan church.[29]

Bruce invasion of Ireland – changing attitudes

On 25th May 1315 Edward Bruce, brother of Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, landed possibly at Larne with an invading army. The local English colonists were defeated while the main Irish chiefs initially held off seeing which way the victory winds would blow. Edward Bruce advanced through east Ulster and defeated the local Irish chiefs at Moyry Pass. He then took and burnt Dundalk and plundered the neighbourhood. The Earl of Ulster met Edward Bruce in Antrim with a reduced army due to rebellion in Connacht and was defeated. Edward Bruce was now master of Ulster and the Irish chiefs sided with the Scots. A number of Irish prelates supported the Scots or were suspected of same.[30] For example, in 1315 Robert, the prior of Louth, was pardoned, on payment of a fine of £40, for assisting Edward Bruce.[31]

Allegations published in 1322 said that Archbishop Roland Jorz assisted the Scots by not denouncing the invasion. When Columba, a nobleman of Ulster, was excommunicated for supporting Edward Bruce, Archbishop Roland, it is said, absolved the nobleman. At another time when Cardinals Gaucelin and Luke pronounce sentence against Robert Bruce, Archbishop Roland refused to publish the processes.[32]

By 1318 it seems that Archbishop Roland had changed is opinion about the Scottish invasion and the Bruce kingdom of Scotland. Many of his manors were devastated by the Scottish army and Archbishop Roland appears always to be under financial pressure. The loss of his revenue would not endear this English Primate to the Scottish cause.[33]

On 14th October 1318 Edward Bruce advanced out of Ulster towards Louth with his army of between 2,000 to 3,000 soldiers. There was no sight of Edward Bruce since May 1317 and the government had made no preparations for any military response. It was up to the ordinary people of Louth under the command of John de Bermingham to oppose the Scottish army and prevent their property from been wrecked as in 1315. Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh, was there at the assembly point to give the people’s army absolution. North of Dundalk, on the hill of Faughart, the two armies met and the Scots were slaughtered including Edward Bruce. John de Bermingham took the head of Edward Bruce to King Edward Ii and was created Earl of Louth for his services.[34]

For Archbishop Roland the defeat of the Scots and his own change of support brought material benefits. On 18th April 1319 he was pardoned of £250 due in debts to the Dublin exchequer on his own account and that of his predecessors. The pardon was his good services in Ireland on behalf of the crown.[35]

Absence from Armagh province

The above notice shows that in October 1318 Archbishop Roland was in County Louth, located in the diocese of Armagh and part of the Archdiocese of Armagh. But in 1322, the chapter of Armagh and the abbot of the Augustinian abbey there, alleged that from 1318 to 1322 Archbishop Roland was absent from the archdiocese.[36] The annals tell us that 1318 saw as much snow as was not seen for years before then.[37] The years between 1315 and 1318 coincided with the Great European Famine in which three years of rain and bad weather caused multiple crop failure and starvation. Possibly Archbishop Roland felt that the climate and living conditions would be better elsewhere than on the border land between the English and Irish areas of influence that was the Archdiocese of Armagh.

During his absence Archbishop Roland continued to receive income from the province such as 30 marks from Derry and Clogher, and 15 marks from Dromore.[38] But this small revenue was insufficient to meet the fees due to the Papal Chancery. King Edward II wrote to Pope John XXII on behalf of the viceroy, the Archbishop of Dublin; his chancellor, the Archbishop of Cashel and Archbishop Roland of Armagh.[39]

The royal records show that by August 1320 Archbishop Roland was living outside of Ireland. On 6th August he received letters patent appointing Peter de Haddesore or John de Fulshave as his attorney in Ireland for the subsequent two years.[40]

Termonfeckin church

Meanwhile, sometime in 1318-22, Robert de Cotegrave petitioned the King about Termonfeckin church. Robert claimed that he was deprived of the church around April 1318 by the Prior of Louth in collusion with Archbishop Roland Jorz and asked the King to be maintained in possession of the church.[41] It is said that Archbishop Roland had previously given the church to Robert de Cotegrave, the then perpetual vicar, even though the rectory was held by the prior of Louth. It is said that the prior was imprisoned by Archbishop Roland to prevent him opposing the appointment.[42]
In the accusations against Archbishop Roland in 1322 his detractors said that Archbishop Roland upheld the ordinance of the colonial Parliament which prohibited any but English to be appointed to religious houses.[43] In the affair of Termonfeckin church it seems that Archbishop Roland did not always favour English clerics if they were against his own polices.

Modern Church of Ireland church at Termonfeckin (Paul McNamarra)

It is difficult to determine the history of the affair at Termonfeckin church or indeed with any event in the archiepiscopate of Archbishop Roland. Although the archdiocese of Armagh is blessed with seven surviving archiepiscopate registers, more than any other Irish archdiocese, the earliest surviving register is that of Archbishop Milo Sweteman (1361-1380).[44] This register does include material before 1361 but no events relating to the time of Archbishop Roland. The register records that in 1368 and 1369 the prior of St. Mary’s of Louth had the presentation of the vicarage at Termonfeckin.[45] It is possible that the prior had the right of presentation for many decades before 1368.

Robert de Cotegrave was a chamberlain of the exchequer between 1313 and 1325. From 1315 to 1321 Robert de Cotegrave was keeper of the stores at Dublin castle. In 1316-7 Robert de Cotegrave was keeper of the works at Dublin castle and at the houses of the Exchequer. Many years later, in 1335-7, Robert de Cotegrave was a chaplain serving in the chapel of Dublin castle. In that capacity he was paid £5 for celebrating divine service for the souls of the king’s predecessors.[46]

Against the Irish clerics

If Archbishop Roland took on those of the English nation who challenged his policy in relation to churches with the English area of the Archdiocese, he also threatened Irish clerics who challenged his position. The clergy in Armagh city were mostly of the Irish nation and had acquired power over the previous decades which diminished the Archbishop’s power. Archbishop Roland challenged these interests and the accusations of 1322 were the response of these people as they sought Roman support to remove the Archbishop. If Archbishop Roland was totally against the Irish it would seem strange that the diocese of Derry, a very Irish diocese, should continue to give him money when the archbishop had gone overseas. The accusations against Archbishop Roland contain a lot of contradictions which makes their credibility very suspect.

As events happened it is unlikely that Archbishop Roland upheld any ordinance banning Irish clerics. When the ordinance was passed in the 1310 Parliament at Kilkenny Archbishop Walter Jorz of Armagh was one of the chief opponents and had the new ruling repealed within four months. In the Remonstrance of Irish grievances sent to Pope John XXII Walter Jorz was accused of been a prime supporter of the ordinance when the opposite was the case.[47] How many of the accusations against Archbishop Roland Jorz were true? It is likely that Archbishop Roland followed his brother and considered the ordinance as bad for community relations. It was not until 1366 that the ordinance against Irish clerics was reintroduced.[48]

Allegations of allowing and causing abuses

In 1322, as part of ten main charges against Archbishop Roland Jorz it was said that he took a bribe of 40s from a nobleman to remove an interdict set upon his land because he had put away his lawful wife in order to live with another woman. After this Archbishop Roland permitted this adultery to continue.[49]

At another time it was said that Archbishop Roland had a priest called Alan beaten and wounded a clerk called Nicholas de Drumeskin. He was also charged with other crimes, such as bloodshed, adultery, and incest.[50] It is difficult to determine if these allegations were true or false.

Resignation as archbishop

From 1320 to 1322 it is said that Archbishop Roland failed to excise his office as archbishop, according to the allegations of the chapter of Armagh and the abbey of SS. Peter and Paul in Armagh.[51] The chapter and abbey of Armagh were located in the Irish area of influence within the Archdiocese of Armagh. After the defeat of Edward Bruce in 1318 the Irish part of the Archdiocese lost any support it previously gave to Archbishop Roland and wished to have him removed and replaced by an Irish Primate. In the charge against the Archbishop, the accusers said Archbishop Roland was ‘of small discretion and no learning’.[52] 

Shortly before 22nd August 1322 Roland Jorz resigned as Archbishop of Armagh. He surrendered the see to the pope through his proctor, Master Andrea de Sapiti of Florence (the same Italian financier who was owed money from Armagh). On 16th March 1323 Pope John XXII appointed Stephen de Segrave as the new archbishop. Just as Roland Jorz did in 1312, Stephen de Segrave renounced the papal grant of the temporalities at a ceremony in York and wished to hold the see as a gift from the king.[53] Stephen de Segrave was formerly dean of Lichfield.[54] At the York ceremony was William de Airmyn, canon of York. For more on William de Airmyn see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/08/william-airmyn-government-official-and_16.html

The resignation of Roland Jorz as archbishop may have been prompted by the serious charges of misconduct against him passing through the Roman curia about his time as archbishop. In September 1322 the Bishops of Down, Meath and Clonmacnoise were mandated to investigate ten main charges against Archbishop Roland and to take charge of the archdiocese while the allegations were pending. The three bishops were also to ensure that Archbishop Roland was to appear before the Pope to answer the allegations. It appears that the chapter of Armagh cathedral and Oddo, abbot of the Augustinian abbey of SS. Peter and Paul in Armagh were the chief source for these allegations of misconduct.[55]

Suffragan bishop in England

After his resignation Roland Jorz acted as a suffragan bishop in the Archdioceses of Canterbury and York. In these positions he was usually cited as Rowland Jorz, late Archbishop of Armagh with a ‘w’ inserted in his name. It is said that he worked in the Canterbury Archdiocese from 1323 and in the York Archdiocese from 1332 but as will be seen below these dates are inaccurate.[56] Another inaccuracy is to say that Roland Jorz was an Irish non-resident bishop working as a suffragan bishop in England as some publications have said. Roland Jorz had resigned the see of Armagh and a new person was in place.[57] The English episcopal registers confirm this when they described him as, Roland Jorz, late Archbishop of Armagh’ and not current Archbishop.

Work in the Archdiocese of Canterbury

On 19th March 1325, Roland Jorz, once Archbishop of Armagh, issued a grant of indulgence of forty days for pilgrims in dioceses where the indulgence was ratified and who went to the friar’s hermit of St. Augustine at Clare. The pilgrims could pray to God and Joan of Acre, Countess of Gloucester (founder of the abbey) or give money for the fabric. Among the saints that can receive prayers said by the pilgrims included St. Patrick and St. Dominic – Roland remembering Armagh with St. Patrick and his Dominican Order with St. Dominic.[58] Clearly Roland Jorz had some affection for Armagh long after he left to remember its saint in the east of England where St. Patrick would have not great cult following.

At work in the archdiocese of York

On 17th September 1326 Archbishop William Melton of York commissioned Roland Jorz, lately Archbishop of Armagh to dedicate the parish church of Wensley in the deanery of Catterick and reconcile its churchyard which was polluted by bloodshed.[59] This entry shows Roland Jorz working in the York Archdiocese as early as 1326 and not from 1332 as said in other sources.

On 18th September 1326 Roland Jorz was commissioned by Archbishop Melton to reconcile the churchyard of Workington in Copeland which was polluted by bloodshed.[60] William de Dykesheved was rector of this parish in March 1318 when he got a licence to study at a university for three years provided he employed a competent vicar. This licence to study was renewed in December 1320 for a further four years.[61]

On 3rd September 1327 Archbishop Melton commissioned Roland Jorz for two years to confer the first tonsure on literate persons in the Diocese of York and to dedicate portable altars there.[62]
On 19th July 1332 Roland Jorz was at the parish church of Bishop Burton where, along with Lewis de Beaumont, Bishop of Durham, he assisted Archbishop Melton in the consecration ceremony of John de Kirkby as Bishop of Carlisle.[63] Later that month the archdeacon of York was mandated to enthrone John de Kirkby as Bishop of Carlisle. But not everyone in the Diocese of Carlisle was happy with the new bishop. On 8th June 1333 Bishop Lewis de Beaumont was commissioned to excommunicate those who attacked Bishop Kirkby and his followers with blasphemous words, arrows and stones. On 31st March 1334 Archbishop Melton had to issue letters patent to show that John de Kirkby was properly consecrated at Bishop Burton by the Archbishop with Bishop Beaumont and Roland Jorz, suffragan and formerly Archbishop of Armagh[64] Bishop Kirkby survived these attacks and went on to service as bishop until his death in 1352.

On 14th November 1333 Bishop John de Kirkby joined Roland Jorz at the Archbishop’s palace in York for the consecration of Robert Graystanes as the new Bishop of Durham by Archbishop Melton. The consecration was controversial as the Papacy had nominated Richard of Bury to Durham and a bit of an argument developed. Eventually Richard de Bury did become the new bishop.[65] The previous bishop of Durham was Lewis de Beaumont who was known to Roland Jorz.

On 11th March 1334 Archbishop Melton commissioned Roland Jorz to ordain on 12th March clergy from the Diocese of York along with those presented by the chapters of York, Southwell, Beverley, Ripon and Howden. Roland Jorz must have been staying close to Bishopthorpe in Yorkshire, from where the letter was written, to receive the letter and be ready the following day. Those presented for ordination had first to be approved by the Archbishop’s examiners, Master John de Wodehus, Richard de Snowesh and William de Jafford.[66]

Hospital of St. Edmund at Gateshead

In February 1325-6 John Denton, master of the Hospital of St. Edmund the Bishop and Confessor at Gateshead, in the Diocese of Durham, died and Roland Jorz was collated as the new master. The Hospital was founded in about 1248 by Bishop Farnham with a master and three priests whose duty was to celebrate divine service in memory of the founder. When Roland Jorz took over it appears that the Hospital had no accommodation for poor or sick people. The Hospital did purchase some gold chalices, vestments and books from the executors of John Denton and Roland Jorz donated ‘a certain writing of the ordination of the chapel of St. Edmund’. John de Thornsby was appointed on 2nd October 1333 as the new master of the Hospital in succession to Roland Jorz.[67]

Death

It is reported that Roland Jorz died in 1335 while some publications say it was sometime after 1332. It is not known where he was buried.

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[3] Alison K. McHardy, ‘The Great Bardney Scandal’, in W. Mark Ormrod (ed.), Fourteenth century England, Vol. VII (Boydell Press, 2012), p. 40
[4] Charles McNeill (ed.), ‘Harris Collectanea’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 6 (1934), p. 335
[5] Sean Mac Airt (ed.), Annals of Inisfallen (Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1977), p. 411 under year 1311
[6] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), pp. 92, 93
[7] National Archives, U.K., C 270/25/1
[8] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 95
[9] John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland with notices of the castle of Dublin (Dublin, 1865), p. 129
[10] Arlene Hogan, The Priory of Llanthony Prima and Secunda in Ireland, 1172-1541: Land, patronage and politics (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2008), p. 164
[11] Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop’s Alen’s Register c. 1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Dublin, 1950), p. 216
[12] Philomena Connolly (ed.), ‘Irish material in the class of Ancient Petitions (SC8) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 34 (1987), p. 100
[13] Rev. Denis Murphy (ed.), The Annals of Clonmacnoise (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Dublin, 1896), p. 260 under the year 1303
[14] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. V, 1302-1307, no. 620
[15] Charles McNeill (ed.), ‘Harris Collectanea’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 6 (1934), p. 341
[16] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1321-1324, p. 346
[17] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[20] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[21] Leonard E. Boyle, A survey of the Vatican archives and of its medieval holdings (Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, Toronto, 1972), pp. 162, 163
[22] Forty-second report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records of Ireland, p. 58
[23] James Ware, History of the Bishops of Ireland (Dublin, 1739), Vol. 1, p. 183
[24] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[25] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 126
[26] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 160
[27] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 190
[28] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1313-1317, p. 265
[29] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1317-1321, p. 58
[30] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 226, 227, 235
[31] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 186
[32] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[33] John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland, p. 145
[34] Goddard Henry Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, 1169-1333 (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), vol. IV, pp. 198, 199, 200; Colm McNamee, The Wars of the Bruces: Scotland, England and Ireland, 1306-1328 (Tuckwell Press, East Linton, 1997), p. 185
[35] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1317-1321, p. 325
[36] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[37] Rev. Denis Murphy (ed.), The Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 282 under the year 1318
[38] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[39] John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland, p. 148
[40] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1317-1321, p. 503
[41] Philomena Connolly (ed.), ‘Irish material in the class of Ancient Petitions (SC8) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 34 (1987), p. 99; G.O. Sayles (ed.), Documents on the Affairs of Ireland before the King’s Council (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1979), No. 148;
[42] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[43] John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland, p. 145
[44] W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey: The Register of John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh, 1443-1456 (Stationery Office, Belfast, 1972), p. ix
[45] Brendan Smith (ed.), The Register of Milo Sweteman, Archbishop of Armagh, 1361-1380 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1996), pp. xvi, xvii, nos. 36, 117
[46] Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), pp. 222, 234, 240, 276, 308, 625
[47] D.D.C. Pochin Mould, The Irish Dominicans (Dominican Publications, Dublin, 1957), pp. 25, 26; Walter A. Philips, History of the Church of Ireland: From the earliest times to the present day (3 vols. Oxford University Press, 1934), Vol. 2, pp. 97, 99
[48] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), p. 79
[49] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[50] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[51] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[52] John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland, p. 145
[53] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 153
[54] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 229
[55] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 219
[56] E.B. Fryde, D.E. Greenway, S. Porter and I. Roy (eds.), Handbook of British Chronology (Royal Historical Society, Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 335
[57] Dom David Knowles, Religious Orders in England, Vol. 2: The End of the Middle Ages (Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 373
[58] Christopher Harper-Bill (ed.), The cartulary of the Augustinian Friars of Clare (Suffolk Record Society, Vol. 11, 1991), p. 04, no. 168
[59] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, 1317-1340, Volume 1 (Canterbury & York Society, Vol. LXX, 1977), no. 268
[60] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 269
[61] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, nos. 5, 26
[62] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 278
[63] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 310
[64] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, nos. 311, 313, 359
[65] Katherine Harvey, Episcopal appointments in England, c.1214-1344 (Ashgate, Farnham, 1994), p. 164
[66] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 348

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